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MICROSOFT CO-FOUNDER PAUL ALLEN DIES OF CANCER COMPLICATIONS

By Eric Nnaji [update] FILE PHOTO: Seattle Seahawks owner Paul Allen on the field before Super Bowl XLVIII against the Denver Broncos at MetLife Stadium in East Rutherford, New Jersey, U.S., February 2, 2014. Mandatory Credit: Mark J. Rebilas/File Photo. Microsoft Corp co-founder Paul Allen, the man who persuaded school-friend Bill Gates to drop out of Harvard to start what became the world’s biggest software company, died on Monday at the age of 65, his family said. Allen left Microsoft in 1983, before the company became a corporate juggernaut, following a dispute with Gates, but his share of their original partnership allowed him to spend the rest of his life and billions of dollars on yachts, art, rock music, sports teams, brain research and real estate. Allen died from complications of non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma, a type of cancer, the Allen family said in a statement. In early October, Allen had revealed he was being treated for the non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma,

ANTI GRAFT AGENCIES AND WAR AGAINST CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA



 By Eric David Nnaji

ANTI GRAFT AGENCIES AND WAR AGAINST   CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA












DEDICATION
I wish to dedicate this term paper to God almighty.







ACKNOWLEDGE
I wish to acknowledge my able lecturer Dr. Isaiah Agbo and my parents for their financial support, I just want to say thank you and God bless you all.

















PREFACE
Anti-Corruption was the declared number one policy aim of the Olusegun Obasanjo administration. The success of this policy was, however, for various reasons not too impressive. Obasanjo's successor, President Umaru Yar'Adua came to power promising to reform and continue the anti-corruption policy. But while the anti-graft agencies continued to arrest and arraign more individuals, including highly placed officials, for corruption, the general public expressed the view that the fight against corruption became increasingly inefficient under Yar'Adua. Therefore, in this research work I explored on the duties and operations of some anti graft agencies in Nigeria such as the ICPC AND EFCC and their role in the fight against corruption.












TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title page        -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           - i
Dedicate          -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           - ii
Acknowledgement      -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -iii       
Preface            -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           - iv
Tables of contents       -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           - v       
CHAPTER ONE
1.1 Introduction         -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           - 1
1.1 Definition of terms          -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           - 3
CHAPTER TWO
1.0  The nature and characteristics of corruption       -           -           -           -           -           - 5       
2.1  Explaining failure: the institutional and political dimensions    -           -           -           - 7       
2.2 Yar‟adua and the war against corruption: a new dawn or business as usual      -           - 9       
2.3  Slow down in the prosecutions of top public officials   -           -           -           -           - 10     
CHAPTER THREE
3.0      The anti-graft agencies in Nigeria       -           -           -           -           -           -           - 11     
3.1      Duties of icpc in curbing corruption   -           -           -           -           -           -           - 14     
3.2      Offences and penalties           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           - 14
  3.3     Economic and financial crimes commission (efcc)     -           -           -           -           - 15     
3.4   Powers of economic and financial crimes commission (efcc ) -           -           - 16     
3.5   Duties of the commission curbing corruption  -           -           -           -           -           - 16
Conclusion     -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           - 18
References     -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           -           - 19     
















CHAPTER THREE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Before this country could be free from corruption, its deem fit to invite certain bodies like EFCC, ICPC, for strict examination. These bodies are known as Anti Graft Agencies.
Corruption is a moral deterioration and depravity. It has a wide range of meaning which include mis-appropriation, embezzlement or division of fund bribery gratification, using office or position for unfair advantage, financial funds, business frauds, examination malpractices and money laundry by public and private sector offices and so on.
According to the sixth edition of Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary (1992), corruption is defined as a ‘dishonest or illegal behaviour especially people in authority’. It is therefore, something which is no more news to Nigerians, particularly in this present democratic dispensation.
Hence, corruption in Nigeria is traceable to some past Nigerian leaders who ruled Nigeria from 1985 – 1993. Actually, corruption had been perpetuating before his military administration in Nigeria but, it is believed to have got to a high level during his regime.
During this period, he was tagged: ‘MARODONA’ just because of his unreliable, untruthful and unfulfilled promises he made. A lot of projects worth billions of naira were granted but, many of them were not executed.
The issue of N180 million which was budgeted for establishing the most powerful television and radio stations did not see the high of the day up till this present moment.
Likewise, the regime of another Nigeria president was described by a Nigerian Tribune article titled: “The Pharaoh”, (page 9 of the 1999 edition), as a merciless regime, who described to be mercilessly punished. During this period, there were a lot of killings, threats and misappropriation of government funds, among those who were slam then were Kudirat Abiola, Suliyat Adedeji, to mention but a few. Thereafter, every nook and cranny of Nigeria was so tough that, there was nobody to query his dictatorial actions.
Also, another prominent Head of State is an example to be cited. Despite his activities then, there were some path of corrupt practices which were committed during his military regime. All this, to ensure transition of civil rule and keeping people abreast of happenings in their governance, was rated a successful one over his predecessor, because of his military immunity.
Among others were the late senator who embezzles over 200 million, calming it was used to buy rams for the Muslims festival, popularly known as Ileya. The 120 million I.D Cards which was also embezzled by the then minister of Education who gave bribes to some members of National Assembly by boost his ministerial appointment bill.
However, the burning issue to be examined now is that of the inspector General of police who was picked up by the operatives of the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC), led by then formal Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) and was later arrested.
The Nigerian Tribune (Tuesday 22nd February, 2005), gathered that, inspector general of police be arrested, following the alleged incrimination statements made against him by the then, Managing Director of Fountain Trust Bank (FTB).
Meanwhile, it was later gathered that the FTB Managing Director, had been declared wanted by the EFCC on the allegations of money laundering and breach of stationary banking and financial regulations.
Pertinently, there is no gain saying that the Anti graft agencies have role to play in anti-corruption crusade in our society.
Therefore, the anti-graft agencies should highlight the repercussion of society, so as to achieve a corruption free society. So, these revelations from the subject of what this research work focus on. It is aimed at examining the role of anti-graft agencies using EFCC as a case study.
The Nigerian Tribune (Tuesday, 22nd February, 2005) gathered that, Tafa was arrested following the alleged incrimination statements made against him by the Managing Director of Fountain Trust Bank (FTB) Mr. Segun Aina.
Meanwhile, it was later gathered that the FTB Managing Director, Mr. Segun Aina had been declared wanted by the EFCC on the allegations of money laundering and breach of stationary banking and financial regulations.
Pertinently, there is no gain saying that the Anti graft agencies have role to play in anti-corruption crusade in our society.
1.1 DEFINITION OF TERMS
1.1.0 I.C.P.C: - Independent Corrupt Practices and Related offences Commission (ICPC), in addition to the setting up of the (EFCC), the Nigerian government also introduced another anti-corruption agency named the (ICPC), that is Independent Corrupt Practice.
1.1.1 COMMISSION: - This body also introduced the policy of due process to monitor the budget and implementation in the presidency and other parastatals. Recent reports have revealed that billions of naira has been saved in the past 3 years in Nigeria
1.1.2 EFCC: - Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC). This was introduced in Nigeria in the year 2004, under the presidency of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, purposely to monitor and to regulate crime rate in the country. It also shows that Nigeria demonstrate seriousness in her fight against crime through the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). This may seem like a mere public relations exercise but the commission appears bent on its mission to fight financial and economic crimes in Nigeria. Information about the organization gives details on its active fight to rid Nigeria of malaise that has bogged down the countries development since independent. The move is particularly worthy of praise, although EFCC moves have been abused in the past and innocent people were said to be under investigation here and there.
1.1.3 GRAFT, as understood in American English, is a form of political corruption, being the unscrupulous use of a politician's authority for personal gain. The term has its origins in the medical procedure whereby tissue is removed from one location and attached to another for which it was not originally intended. Similarly, political graft occurs when funds intended for public projects are intentionally misdirected in order to maximize the benefits to private interests.
1.1.4  CORRUPTION
Corruption is mainly seen as, “wrongdoing by those in a special position of trust” Microsoft Encarta [2006]. The term is said to apply to self-benefiting behavior exhibited by public officials and all those dedicated to public services. Frisch [1996] observes that corruption is the abuse of public power for personal ends. Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary [2000], defines corruption as a dishonest or illegal behavior, especially of people in authority. Corruption is an activity, it is also a mindset sustained by ideas that are largely false and misleading.
1.2       GENESIS OF NIGERIAN S ANTI CORRUPTION CAMPAIGN IN NIGERIA
Ever since Nigeria’s First Republic collapsed in July 1966 amid allegations of massive corruption, the fight against corruption has developed into an important public policy issue. But current steps taken towards a corruption-free society in Nigeria are mainly a result of the efforts of the Obasanjo regime, which for eight years erected it as a major policy priority1. The elevation of corruption to an urgent national issue by Obasanjo was itself motivated by a combination of some domestic and global developments. At the domestic level, Obasanjo‟s anticorruption drive was propelled by an unprecedented disclosure of evidences of corruption perpetrated by his immediate predecessors, especially the late General Sani Abacha, who ruled Nigeria from 1993 to1998. After his death in 1998, his successor, General Abdusalami Abubakar, launched a probe into his financial dealings. These investigations uncovered large evidences showing that Abacha and his collaborators had diverted billions of dollars in public funds into several local and overseas bank accounts, while also corruptly acquiring choice properties in many locations within and outside the country. Public call for a strong anticorruption stance by the newly elected civilian government was further fuelled by the caution with which General Abubakar treated those indicted by his probe. Apart from seizing a few assets held within Nigeria, publishing a list of dozens of foreign bank accounts used to stash looted funds and writing letters to some foreign governments urging them to support efforts to recover assets kept within their territories, the regime refused to undertake any serious anticorruption measures. It made little or no tangible effort in recovering Abacha‟s estimated $4-6 billion overseas assets.
















CHAPTER TWO
2.0.0   SOME ANTI-GRAFT AGENCIES IN NIGERIA 
Crime control institutions of government in Nigeria otherwise called the anti-graft agencies are the Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commissions (ICPC), Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the Code of Conduct Bureau, among others.
 2.0.1 ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL CRIMES COMMISSION (EFCC)
The EFCC was established by Act No. 5 of 2002, effective from 14 December, to combat economic and financial crimes in Nigeria. The Commission is empowered to prevent, investigate, prosecute and sanction economic and financial crimes and is charged with the responsibility of enforcing the provisions of other laws and regulations relating to economic and financial crimes such as The Money Laundering Act 1995, The Advance Fee Fraud and Other Related Offences Act 1995, The Failed Banks (Financial Malpractices in Banks) Act 1994, The Banks and Other Financial Institutions Act 1991, and Miscellaneous Offences Act. (ICAN, 2014; Olurankinse and Bayo, 2014).
2.0.2 DUTIES OF ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL CRIMES COMMISSION (EFCC) IN NIGERIA
According to Part II of the Act, the Commission is responsible for:
a) The enforcement and the due administration of the provisions of the Act.
 b) The investigation of all financial crimes which include advance fee fraud, money laundering, counterfeiting, illegal charge transfers, futures market fraud, fraudulent encashment of negotiable instruments, computer credit card fraud, contract scam, etc
 c) The co-ordination and enforcement of all economic and financial crime laws and enforcement functions conferred on any other person or authority.
d) The adoption of measures to eradicate the commission of economic and financial crimes.
e) The adoption of measures to identify, trace, freeze, confiscate or seize proceeds derived from terrorist activities, economic and financial crime related offences or the properties, the value of which corresponds to such proceeds.
f) The adoption of measures which include coordinated preventive and regulatory actions, introduction and maintenance of investigative and control techniques on the prevention of economic and financial related crimes.
g) The facilitation of rapid exchange of scientific and technical information and the conduct of joint operations geared towards the eradication of economic and financial crimes.
h) The examination and investigation of all reported cases of economic and financial crimes with a view to identifying individuals, corporate bodies or groups involved.
i) The determination of the extent of financial loss and such other losses by Government, private individuals or organisations.
j) Collaboration with Government bodies both within and outside Nigeria, carrying on functions wholly or in part analogous with those of the commission concerning:-
§    The identification, determination, of the whereabouts and activities of persons suspected of being involved in economic and financial crimes.
§     The movement of proceeds or properties derived from the commission of economic and financial and other related crimes.
§     The exchange of personnel or other experts.
§     The establishment and maintenance of a system for monitoring international economic and financial crimes in order to identify suspicious transactions and persons involved.
§    Maintaining data, statistics, records and reports on persons, organisations, proceeds, properties, documents or other items or assets involved in economic and financial crimes.
2.2 INDEPENDENT CORRUPT PRACTICES AND OTHER RELATED OFFENCES COMMISSION (ICPC): The ICPC was established by the Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Act of 2000. The Commission is a body corporate, endowed with perpetual succession. It has a common seal and is juristic (that is, may sue and be sued in its corporate name). (ICAN, 2014) Composition of ICPC As provided by the Act establishing ICPC, the Commission shall consist of a Chairman and twelve (12) other members, two of whom shall come from each of the six geo-political zones, thus:
 1. A retired Police Officer not below the rank of Commissioner of Police.
2. A legal practitioner with at least 10 years post call experience.
3. A retired Judge of a Supreme Court record.
 4. A retired Public Servant not below the rank of a Director.
5. A youth not being less than 21 or more than 30 years of age at the time of his or her       appointment.
6. A Chartered Accountant. The Chairman of the commission shall be a person who has held or is qualified to hold office as a Judge of a superior court of record in Nigeria. (ICAN, 2014).


2.3      DUTIES OF ICPC IN CURBING CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA
 a) Where reasonable ground exists for suspecting that any person has conspired to commit or has attempted to commit or has committed an offence under the Act or any other law prohibiting corruption, to receive and investigate any report of the conspiracy to commit, attempt to commit or the commission of such offence and, ensures that appropriate measures are taken to punish the offender.
b) To examine the practices, systems and procedures of public bodies and where, in the opinion of the Commission, such practices, systems or procedures aid or facilitate fraud or corruption, to direct and supervise a review of them.
c) To instruct, advise and assist any officer, agency or parastatals on ways by which fraud or corruption may be eliminated or minimized by such officer, agency or parastatal.
 d) To advise Heads of Public Bodies of changes in practices, systems or procedures compatible with the effective discharge of the duties of the public bodies as the Commission thinks fit to reduce the likelihood or incidence of bribery, corruption and related offences.
 e) To enlist and foster public support in combating corruption.
2.4                              COMMITE OFFENCES AND PENALTIES
1.   Offence of accepting gratification: Any person, who corruptly asks for, receives or obtains any property or benefit of any kind for himself or for any other person or agrees or attempts to receive or obtain any property or benefit of any kind for himself or for any other person, is liable to imprisonment for seven (7) years.
2.      Offence of giving or accepting gratification through agent: On conviction, shall be liable to imprisonment for seven (7) years.
3.      Acceptor or giver of gratification to be guilty, notwithstanding that, the purpose was not carried out or matter not in relation to principal‘s affairs or business: On conviction shall be liable to imprisonment for (seven) 7 years.
4.      Fraudulent acquisition of property: Any person found guilty, shall on conviction, be              liable to imprisonment for seven (7) years. 
5.      Fraudulent receipt of property: Any person who receives anything which has been             obtained by means of act constituting a felony or misdemeanour inside or outside   Nigeria, which if it had been done in Nigeria would have constituted a felony or          misdemeanour and which is an offence under the laws in force in the place where it was             done, knowing the same to have been so obtained, is guilty of a felony and the offender    shall, on conviction be liable to imprisonment for seven (7) years.
6.     Penalty for offences committed through postal system: If the offence by means of which the thing was obtained is a felony, the offender shall on conviction be liable to       imprisonment for three (3) years, except the thing so obtained was postal matter, or any         chattel, money or valuable security contained therein, in which case the offender shall on             conviction be liable to imprisonment for seven (7) years.




CHAPTER THREE
3.0                               THE CHARACTER OF GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA
Politics, as the major defining factor in power and resource sharing in any country, occupies a critical position in the governance configuration of Nigeria in an era where power arenas ought to be diverse and mutually complementing. This anomaly continues to haunt the character of governance in Nigeria. This position comes out clearly when the definitions of governance from across many countries of the world as well as multi-national donor agencies are considered. A historical exegesis of the character of governance in Nigeria is uncompromisingly needed at this juncture, because the events that culminated into the present character of governance are rooted in history. Nigeria, like most other African countries, is shaped by colonialism. Knowing well that these countries were ill-prepared for independence, coupled with the fact that the necessary institutional framework that could nurture a virile state were not in place, the African nationalists scrambled their respective countries into independence only to be left for post-colonial onslaught. Arising from this fact is that nationalism succeeded in breeding elitism rather than patriotism; guided egocentricism rather than national interest; and tribal/ethnic politics rather than national state-making. Military rule is another encumbrance to the dented character of governance in Nigeria. Its advent, tenure and activities coalesced into a reshape of the character of governance in Nigeria around violence, arbitrary rule, patrimonialism, clientelism, and warlordism. Fortunate as the military juntas were, they failed to convert their rare opportunity to govern against the backdrop of the mis-match of their rhetorical promises vis-à-vis their actual performances. Their messianic mission oftentimes ended on the bedrock of failure, corruption, high-handedness and gross mismanagement of national resources. The discovery of oil in commercial quantity at Oloibiri around mid-50s, in the then Rivers but now Bayelsa State, is another germane factor the character shaping of governance in Nigeria. Really, the stupendous oil wealth blossomed in the 70s, the revenue derivable from it between 1955 and early 70s was too paltry to significantly affect the character of governance. However, with the torrential flow of the revenue from oil, now nomenclatured ‘black gold’, politics in Nigeria became a different ball game. To make the matter worse, the then Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon uttered an inflammatory statement that “money was not the problem of Nigeria but how to spend it”. This singular utterance, coming from the number one citizen of the country, is capable turning politics into a highly competitive arena; where political now engage in fearsome contestation over the abundant national resources. It could also precipitate violence at virtually all levels of politics and perhaps predispose contestation into zero-sum game whereby the winners takes all. From the foregoing, it is arguable that the present character of governance in Nigeria is a reflection of the historic-political antecedents discussed above. Arising from the foregoing also is that those who were fortunate to attain political positions have been reluctant to leave the political arena. In this regard, a multi-ethnic elite group has emerged across the polity, instituting themselves in key positions of power, reproducing and replicating themselves in various forms. These power elites control vast amount of money, control entrance into politics and determine the rule of political game. The indivisible and formidable interests of the power elites have consistently downplayed serious ethnic conflicts as well as the forces of ethnic struggles. The emergence of the different ethnic militias has not achieved much also because of the impervious interests of the multi-ethnic but united power elites. Once anything is conceived as capable of adversely affecting the accumulation and exploitation of national resources, which sums up the interests of these elites, they are willing to nib the problem in the bud irrespective of its ethnic or personality dimension. It stands to reason, therefore, that the fact that these power elites have been acting as a binding force for the country is completely at variance with good intentions for State-making; rather, they are inwardly driven by personal and parochial interests.
3.1   ICPC, EFCC AND THE WAR AGAINST CORRUPTION UNDER OBASANJO
 The ICPC was inaugurated in September 2000, while the EFCC began operations in April 2003. Unlike similar institutions set up in Nigeria in the past, both agencies were given relatively broad powers and mandates to fight corruption and related offences. For instance, the powers of the ICPC as provided in Section 6(a) to (f) of the ICPC Act, include the power to receive and investigate complaints from members of the public on allegations of corrupt practices and to arrest and prosecute those responsible. The agency is also empowered to examine the practices, systems and procedures of public bodies, and in cases where such systems aid corruption, it would direct and supervise a review. In other words, it would instruct, advise and assist any officer, agency or parastatal of government on the ways fraud or corruption may be eliminated. Although Nigeria had never convicted anybody for corruption in a regular court, the wide powers given to these agencies raised considerable hope that corrupt officials were in for a tough time. Immediately after its inauguration, ICPC took steps to implement its mandate. Within the first year of its existence, four individuals were charged to court for various corrupt offences. The number rose to 23 at the end of its second year (September 2002), and 49 at the close of its third year in September 2003. These cases stemmed from a total of 17 criminal pursuits, which themselves emanated from hundreds of petitions submitted to the ICPC by different individuals and groups8. As of December 2006, the ICPC was prosecuting 185 persons in a total of 91 cases around the country (39 were filed in 2006 alone). In October 2008, the number of cases in court stood at 161 involving 309 persons9. But as the number of cases filed before the courts rose, the number of convictions remained stagnant. The number of successful prosecutions from September 2000 to June 2006 was only two. The number only increased to 20 in 2007, none of whom was a prominent figure. In other words, the ICPC could not translate all its efforts into tangible successes. This dismal performance caused substantial discomfort among the populace and within the international community, giving room for further pressure on the government. This renewed pressure culminated in the establishment of the EFCC in April 2003.
3.2 SLOW DOWN IN THE PROSECUTIONS OF TOP PUBLIC OFFICIALS UNDER YAR‟ADUA
 The first reason for the negative perception of the campaign against corruption under Yar‟Adua does not stand up completely to the available facts. Our review of local press for the period covering Yar‟Adu‟s administration and documents obtained from the offices of the EFCC and the ICPC, showed that the arrest and investigation of individuals and officials suspected of corruption did not cease. The trial of officials and individuals investigated or charged to court by the anti-corruption agencies during the Obasanjo administration (notably former governors) continued. Similarly, a number of new cases involving politically exposed persons (PEPs) were started under Yar‟Adua. Many of these new cases were later taken to court27. According statistics published by the EFCC on May 1, 2010, the number of high- profile cases being prosecuted in the courts by the EFCC were only 10 in May 1,2008. However, two years later, the number has increased to 50. Within the same time frame, the EFCC added a total of 100 new convictions, bringing the total to 400, while also recovering some illegally acquired funds in excess of $3.5billion (EFCC, 2010). Some of the officials involved in the 40 new high profile cases include two former ministers of Aviation, Professor Babalola Borishade and Femi FaniKayode who were arrested and charged to court in July 2008 for their handling of the N19.5 billion Aviation Intervention Fund28. The list also includes the daughter of the former President, Iyabo Obasanjo-Bello (May 19, 2008) who is a Senator, former Minister of Health Adenike Grange, her deputy and several senior officials of the Ministry of Health (April 7, 2008), docked over allegations of sharing of N300 million belonging to the Ministry of Health29.
Mrs. ObasanjoBello was said to have received N10 million, part of the N300 million, in her capacity as the Chairperson of the Senate Committee on Health. Also the former governor of Plateau state, Michael Botmang was arraigned on the 17th of July 2008 for allegedly stealing N1.7 billion in the six months he ruled as governor following the brief suspension in 2006 of the substantive governor, Joshua Dariye, as well as Boni Haruna, former governor of Adamawa, who was charged on 5th of August on 21 count charges of corruption
3.2 POWERS OF THE BUREAU
The Code of Conduct Bureau was set up and empowered to:
a) receive declarations by the public officers made under paragraph 12 of Part 1 of the Fifth Schedule of the 1999 Constitution;
b) examine the declarations in accordance with the requirements of the Code of Conduct or any law;
c) retain custody of such declarations and make them available for inspection by any citizen of Nigeria on such terms and conditions as the National Assembly may prescribe;
d) ensure compliance with and, where appropriate, enforce the provisions of the Code of Conduct or any law relating thereto;
e) receive complaints about non-compliance with or breach of the provisions of the Code of Conduct or any law in relation thereto, investigate the complaint and, where appropriate, refer such matters to the Code of Conduct Tribunal; and
f) carry out any other functions as may be conferred upon it by the National Assembly. (ICAN, 2014).

3.3 RECOMMENDATIONS
a. The anti-graft agencies in Nigeria should be structured with unlimited independence granted to them to bring to book any public officer found in any form of economic and financial crime no matter how highly place.
b. The leadership of various agencies should not be appointive rather should be attained to by handwork and experience. In other words, it should be the most senior officer in the agency with clean slate (like the post of permanent secretary of ministries).
c. Adequate funding by government and reasonable cooperation from other agencies of government like the police, the judiciary, etc. should be provided for the effective operations of the anti-graft agencies.








CONCLUSION
For many decades, Nigeria has grappled with the challenge of eradicating corruption from its body polity with little success. In 1999, following the election of President Olusegun Obasanjo, the country launched a new crusade against corruption. Due to its more elaborate nature38, international pressure and President Obasanjo‟s personal involvement in anti-corruption activities in the past, this campaign attracted considerable attention and interest. The heightened attention was also due to the fact that it was the first time a Nigerian leader made the fight against corruption his number one policy priority, which indeed culminated in the fall of quite a number of highly placed public officials (Senate Presidents, Speaker of the Federal Parliament, State Governors, Ministers, Head of public parastatals, etc.). Yet, Obasanjo‟s anti-corruption fight was also politicized, especially towards the end of his second term in office, when it was employed to destroy his political adversaries, such as Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, without regards to constitutional rights and due process. The question of whether corruption was not increasing even under a regime that Unlike previous anti-corruption programmes in Nigeria, Obasanjo‟s anti-corruption policy offered a far more comprehensive anti-corruption strategy, encompassing the setting up of specialised anticorruption institutions, implementation of a host of public sector reforms and some international measures aimed at the repatriation of looted funds starched away in some secret overseas accounts. Those concerns were mainly due to the way of the fight against corruption was conducted or carried out by the major anti-corruption agencies, the EFCC and the ICPC. The inauguration of these agencies had raised a lot of hope. Even though it was not the first time anti-corruption agencies were inaugurated in Nigeria (e.g. the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau in 1975 and Code of Conduct Bureau in 1979 respectively), the unprecedented powers and promise of political support given to these institutions led many analysts to believe that a lasting solution might have been found to
Nigeria‟s perennial struggle with corruption. More discouraging, the credibility earned by the EFCC, following the successful arrest and prosecutions of highly placed criminals, soon began to evaporate when allegations of violations of human rights39 and selective application of anticorruption laws (against Obasanjo‟s political enemies) surfaced towards the April 2007 elections. The politicization of these agencies under the Obasanjo administration gradually rendered the campaign against corruption difficult, if not plainly ineffective.





REFERENCES
AIYEDE, R. (2003), “The dynamics of civil society and the democratization process in Nigeria”, Canadian Journal of African Studies/Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 37(1), 2003.
Ake C. (2001), Democracies and Development in Africa, Ibadan, Spectrum Books Limited, p.93
ATLANI-DUAULT, L. (2005), “Les ONG à l’heure de la bonne gouvernance”, Autrepart, Revue de Sciences Sociales au Sud 35: 1-17.
BAYELSA STATE OF NIGERIA (undated), Bayelsa State: Profile on Ministry of Education, Yenagoa.
BIEKART, K. (1999), The politics of civil society building: European private aid agencies and democratic transitions in Central America. Amsterdam: International Books/The Transnational Institute.
BUJRA, A. & S. ADEJUMOBI, eds (2002), Leadership, civil society and democratisation in Africa: Case studies from Eastern Africa. Addis Ababa: Development Policy Management Forum.
EREHO, J. & T. O’LADOYIN (2000), “Tackling the corruption epidemic in Nigeria”. In: Kempe, R.H. Sr & B.C. Chikulo, eds, Corruption and development in Africa: Lessons from country case-studies. London: Macmillan Press, 280-285.




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by Adrian Proszenko Furious Parramatta players held an honesty session to address rumours Brad Arthur had lost the dressing room, vowing to earn the wins required to take the pressure off their coach. As soon as reports emerged this week that Arthur had fallen out with his charges, Brad Takairangi posted a link to the offending article on the players’ group chat. What followed was a frank exchange between the squad in which the players backed Arthur and took responsibility for the Eels’ poor performances.         Plenty of support: Eels stars have come out in support of Brad Arthur.  Photo: NRL Imagery The players subsequently gathered at their training headquarters at Old Saleyards Reserve, away from the coaching staff, to address the issue. “It’s stupid,” Clint Gutherson said of the Arthur speculation. “One of the boys saw it on Instagram and put it on the group chat. “Everyone was furious about it because it’s a lie. He has got so much respect from all of the t

Chelsea team to face Southampton: Morata & Cahill dropped as Hazard returns in FA Cup semi-final

By Oliver Harbord Chelsea Correspondent 07:50, 21 APR 2018 The FA Cup is the final chance for Chelsea to win some silverware this season and at least put a bit of gloss on what has been a slightly disappointing season across the other competitions. With the top four Premier League spots maybe out of reach for the rest of the campaign, winning the FA Cup could be the first time Antonio Conte wins a cup competition as a manager and so he will go to the full strength of his squad. Marcos Alonso is still suspended, but it is likely that Emerson Palmieri will not start the match and instead you could see Davide Zappacosta start the game in the left wing-back role. Up front might be where the biggest decision will come, and Olivier Giroud's performances might warrant a start for the Frenchman over Alvaro Morata, with Eden Hazard and Willian likely to come back into the side after being rested against Burnley on Thursday night. At the same time, Cesc Fabregas wil